Thursday 24 November 2011

A Letter to American Scholars and Intellectuals

 

A Letter to American Scholars and Intellectuals



How We Can Coexist

 

A little while ago, educated people had been discussing a
paper prepared by the Center for American Values entitled "What We're Fighting
For" which was signed by sixty American intellectuals. It centers on a
number of issues, among the most important of which is to explain the morality
behind America's war on what they call terrorism and to call the Muslims to
stand with them, adopt American values, and fight against what they describe
as Islamic radicalism.



We welcome dialogue and exchange. Dialogue, in principle,
is a noble endeavor where we can take a good look at our moral foundations and
discuss them with the intent of establishing a more just and equitable relationship
between our nations and peoples. From this point of departure, we the signatories
to this letter - from the land of the two mosques and the cradle of Islam, the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - present our point of view as an informed alternative
with the intent of establish an atmosphere of mutual understanding that can
be adopted by organizations and governments.

The Dialogue



We are firmly convinced that it is necessary for people of knowledge and probity
to enjoy a far-reaching depth of vision. Thit will not permit them to pursue
choices made by individuals and circles, under the pressure of circumstances,
that fail to take ethics and human rights into consideration. Such are the
choices that lead societies to perpetual anxiety, deprivation, and inhuman conflict.



The language of their discourse is the language of power. This is a mistake,
since making power the language of dialogue tends to permit the forces of conflict
to play a difficult and uncertain role in the future.



At this important juncture in history, we call upon unbiased thinkers to engage
in earnest dialogue to try and bring about better understanding for both sides
that will keep our peoples away from the domain of conflict and prepare the way for
a better future for the generations to come who are expecting a lot from us.


We must invite everyone to the process of dialogue that we present to our world,
and do so under the umbrella of justice, morality, and human rights, so we can
give glad tidings to the world of a process that will bring about for it peace
and tremendous good.



To the extent that dialogue is necessary and effective, it must maintain a tone
of respect, clarity, and frankness. These are the prerequisites for its success.
Dialogue itself can only be built upon such a foundation, and those participating
in it must be willing to accept criticism and correction unflinchingly.



Therefore we say clearly and in total frankness that we are prepared to discuss
any issue raised by the West, realizing that there are a number of concepts,
moral values, rights, and ideas that we share with the West and that can be
nurtured to bring about what is best for all of us. This means that we have
common objectives. Nevertheless, we, just like you, possess our own governing principles
and priorities and our own cultural assumptions.



Our Values and Guiding Principles




There are a number of basic principles and moral values that govern our dealings
with other nations. These were set forth fourteen centuries ago by the messenger
of Islam, Muhammad. This was before human rights organizations existed and before
there was a United Nations with its international charters.



Let us look at some of these:



1. The human being is inherently a sacred creation. It is forbidden to transgress
against any human being, irrespective of color, ethnicity, or religion. The
Qur'ân says: "We have honored the descendants
of Adam." [17:70]




2. It is forbidden to kill a human soul unjustly. Killing a single person is
to God as heinous as killing all of humanity, just as saving a single person
from death is as weighty as saving the lives of all humanity. The Qur'ân
says: "If anyone killed a person except as recompense
for murder or spreading havoc in the land, then it would be as if he killed
all of humanity. And if anyone saved a life, it would be as if he saved the
lives of all humanity." [5:32]




3. It is forbidden to impose a religious faith upon a person. The Qur'ân
says: "There is no compulsion in religion." [2:256]
A person will not even be considered a Muslim if he or she accepted Islam under
duress.



4. The message of Islam asserts that human relationships must be established
on the highest moral standards. Muhammad said: "I was only sent to perfect
good conduct."



The Qur'ân says: "We sent aforetime our messengers
with clear signs and sent down with them the scripture and the balance so the
people could establish justice. And We sent down iron wherein is mighty power
and many benefits for mankind." [57:25]




We read in another place in the Qur'ân: "God
does not restrain you with regard to those who do not fight you on account of
your faith nor drive you out of your homes from dealing kindly and justly with
them, for God loves those who are just." [60:8]



5. All the resources of the Earth were created for humanity. The Qur'ân
addresses this when it says: "It is He who has created
for you all that is on the Earth." [2:29]


These resources were only created for human
beings to benefit from them within the limits of justice and for the betterment
of humanity. Therefore, spoiling the environment, spreading havoc on Earth,
perpetrating violence against weaker nations and fighting to wrest from them
their wealth and the fruits of their prosperity, is conduct that is reviled
by God. In the Qur'ân we read: "When he turns his back, his aim is
to spread mischief throughout the Earth and destroy crops and cattle, but Allah
does not love mischief." [2:205]
and: "Do not make mischief in the
Earth after it has been set in order." [7: 56]




6. Responsibility for a crime rests solely upon the perpetrator of that crime.
No one may be punished for the crimes of another. The Qur'ân says: "No
bearer of burdens must bear the burdens of another." [35:18]



7. Justice for all people is their inalienable right. Oppressing them is forbidden,
irrespective of their religion, color, or ethnicity. The Qur'ân states: "And whenever you speak, speak justly, even if a close
relative is concerned." [6: 152]



8. Dialogue and invitation must be done in the best possible manner. The Qur'ân
says: "Invite to the way of your Lord with wisdom and
good preaching and argue with them in the best manner" [16:125]



We believe in these principles, as our religion commands us to. They are the
teachings of Muhammad. They agree to some extent with some of the principles
that the American intellectuals put forth in their paper. We see that this agreement
gives us a good platform for discussion that can bring about good for all of
mankind.



The Events of September 11 and their Implications




It is completely unreasonable to turn the tragic events of September 11 into
a means of categorizing our world's ideologies, civilizations, and societies.
Those attacks were unwelcome to many people in the Muslim world due to the values
and moral teachings of Islam that they violated.



At the same time, we find strange the hasty conclusions made about the motivations
of the attackers, restricting them to an attack on American society and its
universal human values. Without going into a lengthy argument about the matter,
we see it as our right and the right of all impartial thinkers, as well as the
right of all Americans, to inquire as to why the attackers did not choose some
other country that adheres to the same Western values? Why did they not turn
their attention to other nations and societies in Asia and Africa that subscribe
to idolatrous religions, for they would have been more deserving of attack if
the issue with the attackers was to fight against those who disagreed with their
values. Moreover, Islam teaches that the Christians are closer to the Muslims
than any other people. History tells us that the prophet of Islam, Muhammad,
during the early years of Islam, sent a group of his followers to one of the
Christian kings of Ethiopia, because his kingdom enjoyed an unparalleled recognition
of rights. It also tells us that Prophet Muhammad sent a letter to the Christian
king of Rome and one to the Christian king of the Copts. Both letters were received
graciously. The Qur'ân speaks about the Christians as being the most morally
virtuous in their dealings of all religious societies outside of Islam: " You
will find that the strongest among men in enmity to the believers are the Jews
and pagans, and you will find that the nearest of them in love to the believers
are those who say: 'We are Christians'." [5:82]



Why must we ignore this history and permit a superficial and premature reading
of events? This is not all. The laws that Islam came with are there to establish
a stable life for both those who believe in it and those who do not. Furthermore,
the Qur'ân describes the Prophet Muhammad a "a mercy to all humanity".
Yet, when one faction prefers to create a conflict with the Muslims or to ignore
their rights, then Islam responds by resistance and self defense, which are
among the objectives of jihad. The West must realize that by blocking the specific
options and moderate aspirations of the Muslim world and by creating conflicts,
they will bring about perspectives in the Muslim world that will be hard to
overcome in the future and will create problems for generations to come all
over the world.



It is unreasonable to assume that those who attacked the United States on September
11 did not feel in some way justified for what they did because of the decisions
made by the United States in numerous places throughout the world. We by no
means hold the view that they were justified in striking civilian targets, but
it is necessary to recognize that some sort of causative relationship exists
between American policy and what happened.



From another angle, if we were to assume that the perpetrators of the September
11 attacks against the United States were the work of some special faction from
within Europe, China, or Japan, or even a religious faction of the Jews, would
America's decision then have been to subject them and their nations to the type
of aggression that they are now confronting the Muslims with? This policy only
supplies more evidence to the alleged perpetrators and their sympathizers for
their claim that America is oppressing and aggressing against the Muslim world.




The events of September 11 should be an impetus for establishing a new assemblage
of international institutions to establish justice and secure people's rights.
They are needed to supplant institutions like the United Nations General Assembly
and the UN Security Council that were established after the two World Wars to
defuse the war between imperious nations. Those institutions failed to realize
justice and security for the weaker peoples or protect their countries. Institutions
are needed that will not act merely as a theatre for extending the reach of
the great powers. How many peoples have become wretched and had their resources
stripped away from them by force for the benefit those overbearing powers.



Likewise, those events should make us turn our attention to the fact that exaggerated
strength, no matter how many ways it might manifest itself, is never a sufficient
guarantee of security. A small group, if they have the will, can cause massive
harm and injury to their opponents, no matter how strong those opponents might
be.



We have learned from history that power is not the only way to guarantee security,
since the types of guarantees that come with sheer power carry with them the
seeds of failure and collapse and are always accompanied by resentment and discontent
from one side and arrogance from the other. But when those guarantees are built
upon justice, then the possibility of their success is far greater.



If the Americans view what happened on September 11 as a turning point for them
in how they define their relationship with the Muslims generally, not merely
with the group of people that actually carried it out, then can we be blamed
when we see that the presence of the Jewish state of Israel on Palestinian land
and the control they hold over it through the support of the major powers was
and still is a decisive factor in defining and shaping our relationship with
the West, as well as with its values and institutions?



Our Position on America



We can easily see today that the Eastern block - Japan and China - seems more
alien to the understanding of the Islamic World than does the West. There are
many more bridges connecting the Islamic World to the West than there are connecting
it to the East. There likewise exist mutually beneficial relationships and common
interests between the Muslim world and the West. It should be assumed that the
West perceives it in their best interests for there to be balance and stability
in the Muslim World and that it knows that the Muslim lands have provided much
for them, especially economically. The West is the primary beneficiary of Muslim
economic strength.



In spite of this, every individual in the Muslim World perceives that China
and Japan have not caused the Muslim World any clear problem, nor have they
done anything detrimental to its concerns, countries, and societies. The average
Muslim perceives Easterners to be more just, balanced, and more clement than
the West. This feeling has been instilled in the minds of the individual members
of Muslim society by the West itself.



If the United States sought to withdraw from the world outside its borders and
removed its hand from inflammatory issues, then the Muslims would not be bothered
whether or not it is a progressive, democratic, or secular nation.



The disagreement between us and American society is not about values of justice
or the choice of freedoms. Values, as we see it, are of two types. First there
are those basic human values shared by all people, values that are in harmony
with the innate nature of the human being and that our religion calls us to.
Then there are those values that are particular to a given society. That society
chooses those values and gives preference to them. We do not wish to compel
that society to abandon them since our religion teaches us that there is no
compulsion in religion.



It goes without saying that a number of those values are social preferences
that are drawn from their given environment.



Likewise, we do not accept that others can force us to change our values or
deny us the right to live by them. We see it as our right - and the right of
every people - to make clear to others what we believe in order to foster better
understanding between the people of the Earth, bring about the realization of
world peace, and create opportunities for those who are searching for the truth.



The United States, in spite of its efforts in establishing the United Nations
with its Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other similar institutions,
is among the most antagonistic nations to the objectives of these institutions
and to the values of justice and truth. This is clearly visible in America's
stance on the Palestinian issue and its unwavering support for the Zionist occupation
of Palestinian land and its justification of all the Zionist practices that
run contrary to the resolutions passed by the United Nations. It is clearly
visible in how America provides Israel with the most advanced weapons that they
turn against women, children, and old men, and with which they topple down people's
homes. At the same time, we see the Bush administration mobilizing its military
strength and preparing for war against other countries like Iraq, justifying
its actions with the claim that these countries are perpetrating human rights
abuses and behaving aggressively towards their neighbors.



This conduct of theirs creates in others a mental image of the United States
of America as a nation that respects neither international organizations nor
the moral principles upon which democracy rests.



A number of the values mentioned by those American thinkers are not exclusively
American values. They come from many sources and represent the contributions
of many civilizations, among them the Islamic civilization. Muslims and many
others throughout the world do not see these values in America, because those
values are effectively concealed by America's actions. The ideal circumstances
for cooperation will not be realized as long as American civilization remains
in perpetual fear of growing weak or losing its hold on the world, and is perpetually
concerned with keeping others from developing, especially the nations of the
so-called third world.



Islam and Secularism




The signatories to the American paper focused on the necessity of the separation
of church and state, and they considered this to be a universal value that all
the nations of the Earth should adopt. We Muslims approach the problem of the
relationship between religion and the state differently. Our understanding is
to protect the will of the majority and their rights while also protecting the
rights of the minority. Islam is a comprehensive religion that has specific
laws addressing all aspects of life. It is difficult for a nation to be respected
and taken seriously by its people in an Islamic environment without adopting
the laws of that religion in general. State adoption of the religion does not
mean an infringement on the particular needs of the minorities who live within
it or their being forced to abandon their religion and embrace Islam. The idea
that there is no compulsion in religion is firmly planted in the Muslim mindset
and is clearly stated in the Qur'ân. The separation of church and state
that the American thinkers are calling to in their letter shows a lack of understanding
of how religion acts as a formative basis for culture in Islamic societies.
We see secularism as inapplicable to Muslim society, because it denies the members
of that society the right to apply the general laws that shape their lives and
it violates their will on the pretext of protecting minorities. It does not
stand to reason that protecting the rights of the minority should be accomplished
by violating the rights of the majority. We see that the real concern of a religious
minority is the protection of its rights and not the violation of the rights
of the majority, since infringing upon the rights of the majority is not conducive
to social stability and peace, whereas the rights of the minority in Muslim
society are protected.



We believe that Islam is the truth, though it is not possible for the entire
world to be Muslim. It is neither possible for us to force others to think the
way we do, nor would Islamic Law allow us to do so if we were able to. This
is a personal choice in Islamic Law. The thing that we have to do is explain
the message of Islam, which is a guidance and a mercy to all humanity. However,
we are not heedless of the necessities brought about by the present state of
humanity and of the need to remove the obstacles that prevent people from properly
understanding the message of Islam so they can, if they choose, adopt it of
their own free will.



The Muslims have the right to adhere to their religion, its values, and its
teachings. This is an option that it will be difficult to try and withhold from
them. Nevertheless, what we present is a moderate and balanced understanding
and go forward to propagate it, and the West shall see that it is very different
than the notions that they have about Islam. This is if the West is truly willing
to afford us, our religion, and our abilities proper recognition, or at least
willing to study the facts of our religion and our values in a rational and
objective manner.



Islam is not an enemy of civilization, but it rejects utilizing the notion of
civilization for negative ends. Nor is Islam an enemy of human rights and freedoms,
but it rejects transforming freedoms and rights into a tool for conflict just
as it rejects relying upon a limited cultural vision as if it is a universal
law that must be generally applied to all, forcibly if need be. Continuing to
insist upon this vision, even if it is depicted as religiously tolerant, is
no less extreme than what goes on in those radical religious groups.



Oppressing others necessarily means that a choice in favor of conflict has been
made. It is the catalyst that inflames the strength of resistance, which crates
conditions where causing injury to others takes little instigation. The West
has to realize that destruction is the least technologically dependant product
in the world. It can be produced in countless ways. This will give birth to
more forms of radicalism within all societies, including those that adopt separation
of church and state. Those might actually turn out to be the most proficient
practitioners of this type of extremism.



The Just War and Terrorism



The West often speaks of the problem of terrorism and radicalism. In our view,
this problem is a serious one for the world and a number of measures must be
taken to deal with it. At the same time, we wish to emphasize the following
points that appear to us very reasonable:



First, radicalism is not intrinsically tied to religion. Radicalism can take
many forms, political, economic, or ideological. These should be given the same
level of attention, because they seek to overturn the moral principles and the
systems that secure human rights throughout the world.



Also, religious radicalism is not restricted to one particular religion. We
admit there are radical elements among Muslims; we are also well aware that
every religious persuasion in the world has its radical elements. Those who
study religious thought and culture attest to this fact. Therefore, it is both
unreasonable and unjust to irrationally push the issue of Islamic radicalism
and then take a course of action that will further instigate it without dealing
with all forms of radicalism in the world, both religious and otherwise.



Second, while we believe that the world is confronted by terrorism and radicalism
in the broad sense that we have just described, we should also consider that
there are a host of other problems that the world is facing with respect to
rights, freedoms, and basic human needs like education, health, and nutrition.
All of these need to be addressed.



We are on the realization that many of the extremist Islamic groups - as they
are called - did not want to be that way when they started, but were forced
into that category by political or military forces or their media machinery
that blocked their access to channels of peaceful expression. Such powers were
able to do away with any possible opportunity for moderation and to strike at
the rights of people. This is the major cause for the extremism of Islamic movements
and groups. We are also on the realization that this same situation is right
now occurring under the guise of the Western program known as the War on Terror.



Stability is the basis for rights and freedoms throughout the world. When we
deny people stability and force them to live in perpetual anxiety, oppression,
and misery, then they become more likely to act in an immoral and unethical
manner. Bitter reality is what sets down decisions. Moreover, it is sometimes
what shapes people's thoughts. When people wait a long time without their rights
being addressed, it becomes highly likely that they will behave in ways that
are difficult to predict and that lead to uncertain consequences.



We seriously call upon the West to become more open to Islam, look more seriously
at its own programs, and behave more mildly with the Islamic world. We also
call upon them to earnestly review their position on Islam and to open channels
of dialogue with prominent Islamic thinkers representing the broad current
of Islamic thought and intellectuals and decision makers in the West.



It is important for the West to realize that most of the Islamic movements throughout
the Muslim world and elsewhere are essentially moderate. It is necessary to
maintain this situation. Moderate movements should have their rights respected.
Nothing should be allowed to inflame situations for any reason. People need
to be able to conduct themselves rationally and with a sense of security.



We are committed to fighting against terrorism, whether it comes from the Muslims
or elsewhere. However, as long as the matter is being referred back to moral
values, then why not mention other radical extremists? Why not talk about the
Palestinians who are exposed, especially in these days, to most loathsome kind
of terrorism possible? Their cities and refugee camps are being torn to the
ground, mass murder is being carried out against them, and a suffocating siege
is being imposed upon their innocent civilians. This is not being carried out
by some individuals or secret organizations. It is being executed by the state
of Israel, a member of the United Nations.



If the purpose is to pull up terrorism from its roots, then all out war is not
the appropriate course of action, but peace and justice is. The world must seek
this in Palestine and elsewhere.



Terrorism, according to the restricted meaning that it is being used for today,
is but one of the forms of wrongful aggression being carried out against lives
and property. It is immoral to focus on one form of aggression and turn a blind
eye to all others, even though they might be more destructive and repugnant.
This is a clear case of selective vision and the use of double standards.



Third, concocting conflicts does no good for either side. Those who represent
conflict are not always the best representatives of this faction or that. There
is nothing better than justice, consideration of the people's rights and adhering
to our moral values to dispel the specter of conflict. These principles must
be maintained even in times of war when we are forced to go down that road.



In the West, instigating conflict stems from considering and protecting national
- if not partisan - interests, even at the expense of the rights of others.
The truth is that this policy is what creates a dangerous threat to national
security, not only for the West, but for the entire world, not to mention the
tragic and inhuman conditions that it produces.



The men throughout the world who are behind these conflicts are, by their decisions
and their policies, preparing the masses to turn against them. We must intelligently
monitor their behavior and protect our civil societies and the rights and security
of our people. We must realize that having conflict mongers in power around
the world will bring about the worst situation possible for us in the present, as well as for the future generations who will have to face the effects of our personal
calculations. Yes, we should be optimistic, but we must also be clear in accounting
for our actions and assessing their affects.



Civil security is in a perilous situation throughout the world in the shadow
of this scramble to create conflicts and draw up programs for dealing with them.
We have to move beyond the slogans and realize that policies of conflict in
the West are bringing about the destruction of civil security throughout the
world in the name of fighting terrorism. The number of civilian casualties in
Afghanistan because of American bombing increases without the American administration
showing any kind of strain on its mores and values from its so-called "just
war". In reality, it seems like they are merely creating circumstances
in order to give a new validation for more confrontations here and there. And
if the West considers September 11 as an affront to civil security in the West,
then we can share with it that feeling and even the stance of rejecting attacks
against civil security throughout the world. But it is important for the West
to realize that civil security in the Islamic World has not seen stability for
decades and a lot of the impediments to civil security have come about under
the umbrella of Western policy and quite possibly due the direct actions of the West.



It is about time we realize that the use of military force or the power of the
media provides no real guarantee for the future. Often matters take surprising
turns, going off in directions that defy our estimation. It is as if the events
of September 11 showed the uncertainty in this estimation.



Therefore, creating more avenues for dialogue and the exchange of ideas where
scholars and thinkers can meet with each other is, in our opinion, the alternative
to the language of violence and destruction. This is what compels us to write
this letter and to participate in this discussion.



Signatories


Dr.
Abd al-Muhsin Hilal

Professor of International Relations, Umm al-Qura University


Muhammad Salah al-Din al-Dandarawi

Jounalist and Publisher


Dr. Nurah al-Sa`d

Assistant Professor at the School of Arts, Department of Social Sciences,
King Abd al-Aziz University



Suhaylah Zayn al-Abidin

Author


Nurah bint Abd al-Aziz al-Khariji


Dr. Riyad b. Muhammad al-Musaymiri

Professor at the School of Theology, al-Imam University


Dr. Sa`d b. Abd al-Karim al-Shadukhi

Professor of Education, Al-Imam University


Dr. Muhammad b. Salih al-Fawzan

Professor of Qur'anic Studies, Teachers College


Dr. Salim Sahab

PhD. Mathematics and Journalist, al-Madînah Newspaper


Fa'iz b. Salih Muhammad Jamal

Journalist, al-Nadwah Newspaper and al-Madinah Newspaper


Dr. Abd Allah Manna`

Author, Publisher, and Former Editor-in-Chief, Iqra' Journal of Media
and Communications



Dr. Muhammad b. Sa`id Farisi

PhD. Architectural Engineering and Former Curator for the City of
Jeddah



Dr. Umar b. Abd Allah Kamil

Author and Researcher


Umar Justinah

Journalist and Writer, Al-Hayat Newspaper


Dr. Ahmad b. Sa`id Darbas

PhD. Michigan State University and Associate Professor


Muhammad Sa`id Tayyib

Attorney, Publisher, and Political Activist


Dr. Su`ad Jabir

Associate Professor of Pediatrics at the School of Medicine, King
Abd al-Aziz University, Jeddah



Jamil Farisi

Journalist


Thamir al-Mayman

Author and Journalist


Dr. Sa`id b. Nasir al-Ghamidi

Professor of Theology, King Khalid University


Dr. Sulayman b. Qasim al-Id

Professor at the Department of Islamic Studies, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Sami al-Suwaylim

Member of the Islamic Law Commission, al-Rajhi Banking and Investment
Corporation



Dr. Khalid al-Qasim

Professor at the Department of Islamic Studies, King Sa`ud University


Sa`ud al-Fanaysan

Professor of Qur'anic Studies and Former Dean of the School of Islamic
Law, Al-Imam University.



Muhammad b. Abd al-Aziz al-Amir

Justice at the Jeddah Court of Law


Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Mas`ud

Justice at the Jeddah Court of Law


Dr. Nasir b. Sa`d al-Rashid

Professor of Arabic Literature, King Sa`ud University


Dr, Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Shahwan

Associate Professor at the School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Khalid b. Abd al-Rahman al-Ujaymi

Assistant Professor of Arabic Language, Al-Imam University


Abd al-Aziz b. Muhammad al-Qasim

Attorney and Former Judge


Dr. Sa`ud b. Khalaf al-Dihan

Researcher at the King Abd al-Aziz City for Science and Technology


Dr. Abd al-Aziz Nasir al-Subayh

Associate Professor of Psychology, al-Imam University


Dr. Abd al-Aziz b. Ibrahim al-Shahwan

Professor and Former Dean of the School of Theology, Al-Imam University


Dr. Lulu'ah al-Matrudi

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd Allah b. Wukayyil al-Shaykh

Professor of Hadîth Studies at the Department of Prophetic
Traditions, Islamic Theological College



Dr Abd al-Wahhab b. Nasir al-Turayri

Former Professor at the Islamic Theological College and Academic
Director of the IslamToday Website



Dr. al-Sharif Hamzah al-Fa`r

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Umm al-Qura University


Dr. Ahmad al-Umayr

Consultant at King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Salih

Professor of Graduate Studies at the School of Islamic Law and Member
of the Academic Board, Al-Imam University



Dr. Abd Allah al-Khalaf

Assistant Professor at the Institute of Public Administration, Riyadh


Dr. Ahmad b. Uthman al-Tuwayjiri

Member of the Consultative Council


Dr. Awad b. Muhammad al-Qarni

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Ruqayyah al-Muharib

Professor at the Department of Islamic Studies at the Girls' College


Dr. Imran al-Imrani

University Professor


Muhammad b. Salih al-Duhaym

Judge at al-Layth Court of Law


Dr. Rashid al-Ulaywi

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Khalid b. Abd Allah al-Duwaysh

Professor of Electrical Engineering, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Abd al-Rahman b. Abd Allah al-Shumayri

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Umm al-Qura University


Dr. Ali Ba Dahdah

Professor at the Department of Islamic Studies, King Abd al-Aziz
University



Abd al-Karim al-Juhayman

Author and Journalist


Sami al-Majid

Member of the Teachers Board at the School of Islam Law, Al-Imam
University



Muhammad b. Hamad al-Mani

Member of the Teachers Board at the School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud
University



Dr. Abd al-Karim b. Ibrahim al-Salum

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Salih Muhammad al-Sultan

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd al-Rahman al-Zunaydi

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd Allah b. Ibrahim al-Turayqi

Professor at the School of Islamic law, Al-Imam University


Salman b. Fahd al-Oadah

Former Member of the Teachers Board at the School of Theology, al-Imam
University and General Director of the IslamToday Website



Dr. Umar al-Mudayfir

Head of the Department of Psychiatry, King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Muhsin b. Husayn al-Awaji

Associate Professor of Education and Founder/Director of al-Muntada
al-Wasatiyyah.



Dr. Abd al-Aziz b. Nasir al-Mani

Professor of Arabic Literature at the Department of Arabic Language
Studies, King Sa`ud University



Dr. Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Sudays

Professor of Arabic Literature at the Department of Arabic language
Studies, King Sa`ud University



Dr. Salih b. Sulayman al-Wahbi

Associate Professor at the School of Arts, King Sa`ud University
and Associate General Director, World Assembly of Muslim Youth



Dr. Muhammad b. Abd al-Rahman al-Hudayf

Author, Scholar, and Former Member of the Teachers Board, King Sa`ud
University



Dr. Abd Allah b. Nafi Al Shari

Professor of Psychology Former Trustee, King Sa`ud University and
President of al-Nafi Office for Academic Counseling



Dr. Mani b. Hammad al-Juhani

Member of the Consultative Council and General Director, World Assembly
of Muslim Youth



Dr. Abd al-Rahman b. Hadi al-Shamrani

Assistant Professor at the School of Arts, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Marzuq b. Sunaytan b. Tanbak

Professor of Arabic Literature, School of Arts, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Mansur b. Ibrahim al-Hazimi

Professor of Contemporary Arabic Literature, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Malik b. Ibrahim al-Ahmad

Member of the Teachers Board, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Abd Allah b. Saud al-Bishr

Member of the Teachers Board, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Muhammad b. Sa`ud al-Bishr

Member of the Teachers Board, Al-Imam University


Dr. Muhammad b. Nasir al-Ja`wan

Founder and Director of the Hunayn School


Dr. Afrah al-Humaysi

Professor at the Department of Islamic Studies, Girls' College


Dr. Ahmad b. Rashid al-Sa`id

Member of the Teachers Board, King Sa`ud University


Abd al-Aziz al-Wushayqri

Justice at the Supreme Court, Riyadh


Dr. Nasir b. Masfar al-Zahrani

Member of the Teachers Board, Umm al-Qura University


Dr. Ibrahim b. Hamad al-Ris

Member of the Teachers Board, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Zaynab al-Dakhil

Professor at the School of Theology, Al-Imam University


Dr. Umaymah bint Ahmad al-Jalahimi

Professor of Comparative Religion, King Faysal University


Dr. Abd al-Rahman b. Abd al-Latif al-Asil

Professor of International Relations, King Fahd University


Muna bint Ibrahim al-Mudayhish

Lecturer at the School of Arabic Language, Al-Imam University


Dr. Sultan b. Khalid b. Hathlayn

Professor of Islamic Studies, King Fahd University


Sara bint Muhammad al-Khathlan

Author and Poet


Dr. Abd Allah b. Abd al-Aziz al-Yahya

Assistant General Director of Islamic Propagation


Sulayman b. Ibrahim al-Rashudi

Attorney and Former Judge


Dr. Ibrahim al-Fa'iz

Associate Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Khadijah Abd al-Majid

Saudi Intellectual


Dr. Nasir b. Abd al-Karim al-Aql

Professor of Theology, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd Allah al-Zayidi

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Khalid b. Muhammad al-Sulayman

Professor of Mechanical Engineering at the King Abd al-Aziz City
of Science and Technology



Dr. Sulayman b. Abd al-Aziz al-Yahya

Dean of the School of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine, King Sa`ud
University



Dr. Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Turki

Professor of Microbiology at the School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud
University



Muhammad b. Salih b. Sultan

Chief of Administration, al-Yamamah Institute of Journalism


Dr. Jawahir bint Muhammad b. Sultan

Lecturer and Education Director


Mahdi al-Hakami

University Professor and Regional Director of the World Assembly
of Muslim Youth, Jizan



Dr. Muhammad al-Wuhaybi

Professor of Theology, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Muhammad Umar Jamjum

Professor of Civil Engineering and former General Secretary, King
Abd al-Aziz University



Dr. Muhammad Umar Zubayr

Former General Director, King Abd al-Aziz University


Abd al-Rahman b. Abd al-Aziz al-Mujaydil

Member of the Teachers Board at the School of Theology, Al-Imam University


Dr. Muhammad b. Abd Allah al-Shamrani

Professor of Islamic Law, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Abd al-Qadir b. Abd al-Rahman al-Haydar

School of Medicine, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Buraq

Al-Imam University


Dr. Sulayman al-Rashudi

King Abd al-Aziz City for Science and Technology


Jawahir bint Muhammad al-Khathlan

Directorate of Girls' Education


Sulayman al-Majid

Judge at al-Ahsa Court of Law


Dr. Ibrahim b. Salih al-Salamah

School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Fahd b. Muhammad al-Ramyan

Professor at the School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Abd Allah b. Abd al-Karim al-Uthaym

Professor of Educational Development, Al-Imam University


Dr. Muhammad b. Abd Allah al-Muhaymid

Former Head of the Department of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Fahd b. Salih al-Fallaj

Professor at the School of Technology, Indiana University of Pensylvania


Dr. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Sha`ban

Professor of Human Geography, Al-Imam University


Dr. Nabih b. Abd al-Rahman al-Jabr

Professor at the Department of Accounting, Al-Imam University


Dr. Khalid b. Fahd al-Awdah

Professor of Educational Theory, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd Allah b. Ali al-Ja`thayn

Former Professor of Hadîth Studies, Al-Imam University


Dr. Muhammad Abd al-Aziz al-Awhali

Associate Professor of Physics, School of Science, King Fahd University
of Petroleum and Minerals



Dr. Umar Abd Allah al-Suwaylim

Assistant Professor of Electrical Engineering at the School of Engineering,
King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals



Abd Allah b. Abd al-Rahman al-Jibrin

Former Member of the Council for Legal Rulings


Dr. Abd al-Rahman b. Abd Allah al-Jibrin

Professor at the School of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Ibrahim Abd Allah al-Lahim

Professor of Hadîth Studies, AL-Imam University


Dr. Abd al-Rahman b. Salih al-Khalifah

Professor at the School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud University


Khalid b. Nasir al-Rudayman

Professor at the School of Agriculture, King Sa`ud University


Dr. Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Fawzan

Professor of Hadîth Studies, Al-Imam University.


Dr. Salih b. Abd Allah al-Lahim

Professor of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Khalid b. Ali al-Mushayqih

Professor of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Ibrahim b. Abd al-Rahman al-Bulayhi

Author


Tariq b. Abd al-Rahman al-Hawwas

Professor of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Ibrahim b. Abd Allah al-Duwaysh

Islamic Worker and Member of the Teachers Board, Teachers' College


Dr. Salih b. Abd al-Aziz al-Tuwayjiri

Professor of Theology, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd Allah b. Hamad al-Sakakir

Professor of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd al-Aziz b. Salih al-Sam`ani

Professor of Linguistics, Technology College


Dr. Muhammad b. Ali al-Suwayd

Chairman of the English Department, Al-Imam University


Dr.Ibrahim al-Jam`an

King Fahd Hospital


Asma al-Husayn

Professor of Psychology, College of Education


Jawahir bint Abd al-Rahman al-Juraysi

Education Director


Dr. Hasan al-Qahtani

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Hasan b. Salih al-Humayd

Former Professor of Qur'anic Studies, Al-Imam University


Dr. Hamad b. Ibrahim al-Haydari

Professor of Islamic Law, Al-Imam University


Hamad b. Abd al-Aziz b. Abd al-Muhsin al-Tuwayjiri

Businessman


Dr. Safar b. Abd al-Rahman al-Hawali

Former Head of the Department of Theology, Umm al-Qura University


Dr. Ayid b. Abd Allah al-Qarni

Former Professor of Hadîth Studies, Al-Imam University


Dr. Abd Allah al-Hajjaj

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Abd al-Aziz b. Ibrahim al-Umari

Professor of History, Al-Imam University


Dr, Abd al-Aziz al-Fada

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Muhammad b. Marzuq al-Mu`aytiq

Former Appellate Judge and Chief Justice, Al-Zulqa Court of Law


Muhammad b. Salih al-Ali

Member of the Teachers Board, Al-Imam University


Muhammad b. Abd al-Aziz b. Abd al-Muhsin al-Tuwayjiri

Businessman


Dr. Muhammad Abd al-Latif

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Muhammad al-Zuwayd

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Muhammad al-Urayni

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Dr. Nasir b. Sulayman al-Umar

Former Professor of Qur'anic Studies, Al-Imam University


Dr. Yusuf al-Awlah

Consultant, King Fahd Hospital


Ahmad b. Abd al-Rahman al-Suwayyan

Editor-in-Chief, Al-Bayan Magazine


Abd Allah b. Abd al-Aziz b. Abd al-Muhsin al-Tuwayjiri

Businessman

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